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A White Man's Province: British Columbia Politicians and by Patricia E. Roy

By Patricia E. Roy

A White Man's Province examines how British Columbians replaced their attitudes in the direction of Asian immigrants from considered one of toleration in colonial instances to energetic hostility via the flip of the century and describes how politicians answered to renowned cries to halt Asian immigration and limit Asian actions within the province.

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Additional resources for A White Man's Province: British Columbia Politicians and Chinese and Japanese Immigrants, 1858-1914

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23 The most common objection to the Japanese was as economic competitors. A Vancouver labour newspaper described the "wily Jap" as a more serious evil than the "Chinaman," who took work "the average AngloSaxon would consider beneath his dignity," because "the Japanese quickly assimilate with the customs of the European nations and fight them on their own ground. He is a resourceful beggar, is the little brown man, and he adopts the fashions and customs of the people of this country, living on almost nothing and laboring for the merest pittance.

34 The murder of Mrs. Millard revived agitation for segregated schools, at least in Vancouver, where newspapers repeated almost all the traditional arguments about the harmful effects of the association of oriental and white children in school. Vancouver City Council expressed "grave apprehension" about the presence of children and young Oriental men in the same schools and called for an amendment to the Public School Act to permit the segregation of Oriental children. The Japanese consul, aware of the controversy over segregated schools in San Francisco a few years earlier, complained that such segregation would humiliate his countrymen, who wanted "to educate their children in the local manner," but before he could pursue the matter, the excitement faded.

Such behaviour, though probably caused by local festival organizers, could be interpreted as confirmation of the notion that the Chinese seemed to make little attempt to participate in community life and could "never assimilate with us as people. 40 Contacts between whites and Chinese outside the workplace were further limited by the fact that most urban Chinese, except for some livein domestic servants, lived in the de facto, though not de jure, ghettoes of Chinatowns. These were distinct communities, a fact underscored by their separate listing in city directories and sometimes, as in Nanaimo, by the setting aside of separate parcels of land as Chinese districts.

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